Rev. Stephen Bachiler - Part 3
My 10th Great-Grandfather
The Colony of Massachusetts Bay
After arriving in New England, Stephen settled near his
daughter Theodate and her husband, Christopher Hussey, at Lynn in the
Massachusetts Bay Colony. Lynn was founded three years earlier in in the summer
of 1629. It was known by the Native American name of Saugus for eight years
before the present name was adopted in November 1837.[i]
Lynn is now part of the greater Boston area, located about four miles north of
the Boston city line. The Pilgrims’ settlement at Plymouth was about fifty
miles farther south down the Atlantic coast. This description of Lynn was
published in 1865.
Lynn is pleasantly situated on the northern shore of
Massachusetts Bay, between the cities of Salem and Boston. It extends six miles
on the sea shore and five miles into the woods … The southern portion of the town
is a long, narrow prairie, defended on the north side by a chain of high, rocky
hills, beyond which is an extensive range of woodland. It is surrounded by
abundance of water, having the river of Saugus on the west, the harbor on the south,
the ocean on the southeast, and the lakes of Lynn on the north. From the centre
of the southern side, a beach of sand extends two miles into the ocean, at the
end of which are the two peninsular islands called the Nahants. This beach
forms one side of the harbor, and protects it from the ocean. When great storms
beat on this beach, and on the cliffs of Nahant, they make a roaring which may
be heard six miles.[ii]
1883 Map of Lynn, Massachusetts Bay
Colony[iii]
… It [Lynn] presents a bold and rocky shore,
consisting of craggy and precipitous cliffs, interspersed with numerous bays,
coves, and beaches, which furnish a pleasing and picturesque variety. Above
these rise little verdant mounds and lofty barren rocks, and high hills,
clothed with woods of evergreen. The first settlers found the town, including
Nahant chiefly covered by forests of aged trees, which had never been disturbed
but by the storms of centuries. On the tops of ancient oaks, which grew upon
the cliffs, the eagles built their nests; the wild-cat and the bear rested in
their branches; and the fox and the wolf prowled beneath. The squirrel made his
home undisturbed in the nut-tree; the wood-pigeon murmured his sweet notes in
the glen; and the beaver constructed his dam across the wild brook. The ponds
and streams were filled with fish; and the harbor was covered by sea-fowl which
laid their eggs on the cliffs and on the sands of the beach.[iv]
… On summer evenings the meadows exhibit a beautiful
appearance being illuminated by thousands of fire-flies, which appear to take
ineffable delight in enlivening the bloom by their phosphoric radiance.” … Some
portions of the soil are very fertile, but generally it is rather hard and
acidulous. The pastures produce barberries, the woodlands grapes; the meadows
are filled with cranberries, the marshes with samphire [a succulent plant],
and the fields, when neglected, run into sorrel…[v]
An earlier account of the natural resources in Lynn was
written in 1633.
The next plantation [settlement] is Saugus, sixe miles
northeast from Winneshnet. This Towne is pleasant for situation, seated in the
bottom of a Bay, which is made on one side with the surrounding shore, and on
the other with a long, sandy Beach. This sandy beach is two miles long at the
end, whereon is a necke of land called Nahant. It is sixe miles in
circumference, well wooded with Oakes, Pines and Cedars. It is beside, well
watered, having beside the fresh Springs, a great Pond in the middle, before
which is a spacious Marsh. In this necke is store of good ground, fit for the
Plow; but for the present it is only used for to put young Cattle in, and
weather Goates, and Swine, to secure them from the Woolves; a few posts and
rayles, from the low water markes to the shore, keepes out the Woolves, and
keepes in the Cattle. One Blacke William, an Indian Duke, out of his
generosity, gave this place in generall to this plantation of Saugus, so that
no other can appropriate it to himself.
Upon the South side of the Sandy Beach, the Sea beateth,
which is a true prognostication to presage [forecast or predict] stormes and foule weather,
and the breaking up of the Frost. For when a storme hath been, or is likely to
be, it will roare like Thunder, being heard sixe miles; and after stormes casts
up great stores of great Clammes, which the Indians, taking out of their shels,
carry home in baskets.
On the North side of this Bay is two great Marshes, which are made two by a pleasant River, which runnes between them. Northward up this river goes great store of Alewives [fish resembling a small shad], of which they make good Red Herrings; insomuch that they have been at charges to make them a wayre, and a Herring house to dry these Herrings in; the last year were dried some 4 or 5 Last (150 barrels) for an experiment, which proved very good; this is like to prove a great inrichment to the land, being a staple commodity in other Countries, for there be such innumerable companies in every river, that I have seen ten thousand taken in two hours, by two men, without any weire at all saving a few stones to stop their passage up the river. There likewise come stores of Basse, which the English and Indians catch with hooke and line some fifty or three score [sixty] at a tide. At the mouth of this river runnes up a great Creeke into that great Marsh, which is called Rumney Marsh, which is 4 miles long, and 2 miles broad, halfe of it being Marsh ground, and halfe upland grasse, without tree or bush; this Marsh is crossed with divers creekes, wherein lye great store of Geese and Duckes. There be convenient Ponds, for the planting of Duck coyes [decoys.]
Here is likewise belonging to this place, divers fresh Meddowes, which afford good grasse; and foure spacious Ponds, like little Lakes, wherein is good store of fresh Fish, within a mile of the Towne; out of which runnes a curious fresh Broocke, that is seldom frozen, by reason of the warmnesse of the water; upon this stream is built a water Milne, and up this river come Smelts and frost fish, much bigger than a Gudgeon [small fish used as bait.]
For wood there is no want, there being store of good Oakes, Wallnut, Cedar, Aspe, Elme. The ground is very good, in many places without trees, and fit for the plough. In this place is more English tillage than in all New England and Virginia besides; which proved as well as could be expected; the corn being very good, especially the Barley, Rye and Oates.
The land affordeth to the inhabitants as many varieties as
any place else, and the sea more; the Basse continuing from the middle of April
to Michaelmas (Sept. 29,) which stayes not half that time in the Bay (Boston
Harbor;) besides, here is a great deal of Rock cod and Macrill, insomuch that
shoales of Bass have driven up shoales of Macrill, from one end of the sandy
Beach to the other; which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheelbarrows. The
Bay which lyeth before the Towne, at a lowe spring tyde will be all flatts for
two miles together; upon which is great store of Muscle Banckes, and Clam
banckes, and Lobsters amongst the rockes and grassie holes. These flatts make
it unnavigable for shippes; yet at high water, great Boates, Loiters, (lighters)
and Pinnaces of 20 and 30 tun, may saile up to the plantation; but they neede
have a skilful Pilote, because of many dangerous rockes and foaming breakers,
that lye at the mouth of that Bay. The very aspect of the place is
fortification enough to keepe of an unknowne enemie; yet it may be fortified at
little charge, being but few landing places thereabout, and those obscure.[vi]
Even though the description of Lynn painted it as an abundant
natural environment for the Puritans, there were countless dangers lurking in
the colony. Violent gales, probably the result of hurricanes, ripped trees from
the ground and leveled dwellings. House fires, bitter cold, deep snow, icy
rivers and stormy seas claimed lives of loved ones. Bears, wildcats, and packs
of wolves preyed on livestock or pounced on the pioneers when they traveled in
the woods. Native Americans were generally friendly, but they occasionally
kidnapped or attacked settlers, requiring a constant watch against the Indians.[vii]
The wolves killed six calves at Salem. 1630 p. 53
Mr. Phillips, the minister of Watertown, and others, had
their hay burnt. p. 53
The wolves killed some swine at Saugus. p. 53
About noon the chimney of Mr. Sharp’s house in Boston took
fire, (the splinters being not clayed at the top,) and taking the thatch burnt
it down, and the wind being N.W., drove the fire to Mr. Colburn’s house, being
[blank] rods off, and burnt that down also, yet they saved most of their
goods. p. 59
A murder [was] committed… by an Indian… and his company,
upon one Walter Bagnall, and one John P, who kept with him. They, having killed
them, burnt the house over them, and carried away their guns and what else they
liked. 1631 p. 69
Mr. Oliver, a right godly man, and elder of the church of
Boston, having three or four of his sons, all very young, cutting down wood
upon the neck, one of them, being about fifteen years old, had his brains
beaten out with the fall of a tree, which he had felled. 1633 p. 97
A maid servant of Mr. Skelton of Salem, going towards
Sagus, was lost seven days, and at length came home to Salem. All that time she
was in the woods, having no kind of food, the snow being very deep, and as cold
as at any time that winter. She was so frozen into the snow some mornings, as
she was one hour before she could get up; yet she soon recovered and did well,
through the Lord’s wonderful providence. WJ 1633 p. 98
There was great scarcity of corn, by reason of the spoil our
hogs had made at harvest, and the great quantity they had even in the winter,
(there being no acorns) yet people lived well with fish and the fruit of their
gardens. p105
The wolves continued to do much hurt among our cattle; and
this month. p. 91
Six men of Salem, going on fowling in a canoe, were overset
near Kettle Island, and five of them drowned. 1634 p. 137
A proper young man, servant to Mr. Bellingham, passing over
the ice to Winnesemett, fell in, and was drowned. Divers others fell in, in
that and other places, but, by God’s providence, were saved. 1635. p. 147
First Church of Christ at Lynn
Stephen established the first Congregational church in Lynn
and the fifth church in Massachusetts. The site of the small, plain meeting
house was at the northeast corner of Shepard and Summer Streets. It was built
over an excavated foundation in a hollow spot to shelter it from the wind.
Several steps descended to the entrance of the building.[viii]
His first church service was held Sunday, June 8, 1632. Stephen baptized four
infants that day, including one of the sons of his daughter Theodate Hussey. An
undocumented quote by Stephen stated, “I will baptize my own child first,”
meaning he would christen his grandson before the other children.[ix]
This church was later named the First Congregational Church
of Lynn. Congregational churches, in which each congregation ran its own
affairs independently and autonomously, were formed by Puritans and other
nonconformist Protestants. These Protestants were not satisfied with the
limited reforms which had been adopted by the Church of England. The present-day
house of worship is located at 678 Lynnfield Street in Lynn, Massachusetts
01904. The history of the Lynn church is written on its website.
The First Church of Christ in Lynn was the fifth church
planted in New England when settlement by the Puritans was begun as King
Charles I granted a charter to the Colony of Massachusetts. The first church
organized was in Salem, then Charlestown (which later moved to Boston),
Dorchester, Roxbury, and then Lynn. It is today the oldest Congregational
church in the country, since the older ones have either ceased to exist or
changed denominations.
Five men settled Lynn (then known as Saugus) in 1629 after
asking Governor Endicott of Salem where they might settle, but there was no
minister in Lynn for the first three years. The first minister, Stephen
Bachiler, came to Lynn, where he had a married daughter, with his family and
six or seven others who had been members of his church in England. Only three
days after landing in Boston on June 5, 1632 (at age 71), he formed a church of
those who came with him and those who wished to unite with them.
During the first approximately 170 years of its history, the
town meetings were held in the church, and all citizens were assessed taxes to
support the church. The minister opened town meetings with a prayer, and
membership in the church was a prerequisite for voting for officers of the
civil government. Seats in the church were assigned at the town meeting. For
over three hundred years the church had various locations on or across from the
Lynn Common. [x]
The residents of Lynn probably built their first homes in
much the same manner as the church was constructed.
There was a fashion of constructing temporary habitations,
prevailing, more or less, particularly among the poorer class of farmers, at an
early period, which deserves notice for its ingenuity and security, and for the
comfort it afforded in winter. A square pit was dug, of such dimensions as
convenience required, to the depth of six or seven feet. This was lined with
boards or logs, and a roof made of poles covered with bark, apertures being
left for lighting and for the escape of smoke… the wealthy and principal men in
New England, in the beginning of the colonies, commenced their dwellings in
this way.[xi]
Cottage with Thatched Roof
and Stick Chimney[xii]
The interior of the houses in Lynn could be imagined from
this description.
Their first houses were rude structures, covered with
thatch, or small bundles of sedge or straw, laid one over another. A common
form of the early cottages, was eighteen feet square, and seven feet post, with
the roof steep enough to form a sleeping chamber. The better houses were built
with two stories in front, and sloped down to one in the rear; the upper story
projecting about a foot, with very sharp gables. The frames were of heavy oak
timber, showing the beams inside. Burnt clam shells were used for lime, and the
walls were whitewashed. The fire-places were made of rough stones, and the chimneys
of boards, or short sticks, crossing each other, and plastered inside with
clay. The windows were small, opening outward on hinges. They consisted of very
small diamond panes, set in sashes of lead. The fire-places were large enough
to admit a four-foot log, and the children might sit in the corners and look up
at the stars. People commonly burned about twenty cords of wood in a year, and
the ministers were allowed thirty cords. [House fires caused by the wood and clay chimneys catching
fire or by displaced coals were commonplace in New England. The thatched roofs
only added to the fuel to flames.]
On whichever side of the road the houses were placed, they
uniformly faced the south, that the sun at noon might ‘shine square.’ Thus each
house formed a domestic sun-dial, by which the good matron, in the absence of
the clock, could tell, in fair weather, when to call her husband and sons from
the field; for the industrious people of Lynn, then as well as now, always
dined exactly at twelve.[xiii]
The farms of the inhabitants of Lynn were also described in
considerable detail.
…They were principally farmers, and possessed a large stock
of horned cattle, sheep and goats. For several years before the land was
divided and the fields fenced, the cattle were fed in one drove, and guarded by
a man, who, from his employment, was call a hayward. The sheep, goats, and
swine were kept on Nahant [a narrow peninsula], where they were tended by a shepherd… A
fence of rails, put near together, was made across the beach, near Nahant, to
keep out the wolves, as those animals do not climb.
They cut their wood in common, and drew lots for the grass
in the meadows and marshes. There proved very serviceable to the farmers, by
furnishing them with sustenance for their cattle; which was probably the reason
why there were more farmers at Lynn than in any other of the early settlements…
The chiefest corn they planted, before they had plowes, was Indian grain—let no
man make a jest of Pumpkins, for with this food the Lord was pleased to feed
his people to their good content, till Corne and Cattell were increased.
Their corn at the first, was pounded, after the manner of
the Indians, with a pestle of wood or stone, in a mortar made either of stone,
or a log hollowed out at one end. They also cultivated large fields of barley
and wheat. Much of the former was made into malt for beer. They raised
considerable quantities of flax, which was rotted in one of the ponds, thence
called the Flax Pond.[xiv]
Soon after his arrival in the Colony, Stephen wrote to
Governor Winthrop asking him to help recover some property he had purchased and
shipped for the Plough Company. The company owed Stephen £60 and he was asking
for return of cargo that was rightfully his to satisfy some of the debt. The letter is evidence of his exemplary
education and command of the English language, even though spelling and grammar
rules were not consistent in the 1600s. (Note: “u” was sometimes synonymous
with “v” in colonial printing.)
To the Right Worship [fu]ll my
very loueing Frend and our Gouernour at his house in Bostone these
The wisedome of Gods spirit direct and guide you in all your affaires, now and for ever. Amen.
Right Worship [fu]ll and my
loueing Frend Mr. Gouernour,
I
haue sent you this inclosed letter from our Company at London to that part of
our Company which was then supposed to be here, the last yere, to certifye
you that the 4 hogsheds of pease (which are assigned to my brother Wilson, in
the right of the youth that is with him) do no way belong to him but to me and
the rest of our Company, and to speake the truthe to me only and properlye by
reason of the Companies debt vnto me; which all that I haue (by your favour)
seazed on will not countervayle my debt by a great deale, in case I could sell
the goods presently, which I know not how long they will lye and [torn] worse and worse before they
will make any satisfaction to me. The goods which are looked after for the boye
came not in the ship, wherin these pease came, but (as I take it) in the Whale,
if any were sent. besides, these pease comming with my goods in the William and
Frauncis (the ship wherin I came) with the 12 yards of cloth mentioned in the
letter, and 200 yards of liste etc. I payde both for the Tunage of it to the
ship m[aste]r, and for the carryage of them from the ship to New Towne. the
cloth also and the liste I tooke into my keeping, and weare of it; and wraping
vp the letter amonge many others forgot to seaze vpon these pease, till within
these 8 or 9 dayes reading over the letter for some other occasion, I light vpon
that passage which mentioneth the pease and the clothe and liste etc. whervpon
I demanded of my wife what became of these pease mentioned? She answered,
certainely they are the pease which lye vnowned at New Towne, whervpon I sent
to compare the markes of the letter, with the markes vpon the pease hogsheds,
and found them perfectly to agree, and there vnderstood, that the pease (for
want of an owner) were by your authority committed to my brother to be disposed
of in right of his servant: and that this day (being the 3 of this 4th moneth)
my brother sent me this message, that forasmuch as these pease were
assigned to him by the autho[rity] of your worship and the Court, (thoughe
he sawe the contents of this letter the last weeke) he would sell them, and
stand answerable for the monny that they yelde. My request therefore is vnto
you, that forasmuch as the pease do cleerely appeare to be no goods of the
boyes, but to belonge to our Company: and that I lay claime to them (as to the
rest) not in respect of my adventure, but for the debt of (neere) an hundred
pownds which I lent the Company in as good gould as can be waighd with scales,
and that I haue payde both for the Tunage and portage of them: and only
thoroughe forgetfullnes lefte them thus longe, and diverse other circemstances
of reason which I forbeare for tediousnes to vrge—that you would be pleased to
prevent the withhoulding of them from the right owners, at least to stay the
sale of them, forasmuch as I haue disposed part of them, and the residue are
exceedingly wanting in myne owne congregation: who vpon the vnderstanding of
the busynes thus comming to light haue ben earnest with me for them: and I
accordingly haue graunted their requests. There being equity in all that I
require (as I trust will appeare vnto you vpon the sight of that passage in the
letter) I trust I shall not doubt of your vprightnes towards me, and betweene
my brother and me: whose care for his servant I do much approue, tho I cannot
see the meanes which he vseth to recouer his servants doubtfull goods, to be so
right as I could wish. for my parte, were it my case as it is his, I should
easyly yeld vpon the sight of such evidence as I conceave doth appeare, that
the goods can no way belong to him. one thing more, wheras I vnderstand, that
you put the last day of this weeke apart, for enquire of God to discover a
great and difficult secret, we will by Gods grace assist you vpon that day in
like manner. And thus with my loue service and Christian respect vnto you (with
myne and my wiues harty Salutations to your blessed and beloued yokefellowe) I
cease any further to trouble you; and rest, at your Service and commandment, in
Christ his moste vnworthy servant
Stephen Bachiler June
3, 1633
Sir, I
vnderstand since the writing of my letter, that it is conceaued that the goods
of the boye came wholly or in parte to me, which if it may but probably appeare
I will make 7 fould Satisfaction. Verely it is not so, nether did I (but my
wife) meddle with my owne goods, and my wife sayth (from Mrs. Smyth of
Watertowne) that the boyes father and an vncle of his or some such frend did
adventure 10li into the Company with the boy. so that I cannot
conceaue how any such goods should be ex[torn]d, but for my parte I [torn] them; and these goods
belonging to our Company, I hope they shall not be d[torn]t hem and vse them [torn].[xvi]
Next - Ministry and Misery!
[i] Lewis, Alonzo, Newhall, James R., History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscott, and Nahant, Boston, Massachusetts, J.L. Shorey, 1865, pp. 57, 111, & 169; accessed https://archive.org/details/historyoflynness00lewi/page/56/mode/2up
[ii] Lewis & Newhall, p. 56
[iii] Lewis & Newhall, p. vi
[iv] Lewis & Newhall, p. 57
[v] Lewis & Newhall, p. 80
[vi] Lewis & Newhall, pp. 144-145
[vii] Savage, James, The History of New England from 1630-1649 by John Winthrop, Esq. First Governour of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, Volume I, Boston, Massachusetts, Little, Brown and Company, 1853; accessed https://ia802709.us.archive.org/5/items/winthropsjournal00wint/winthropsjournal00wint.pdf
[viii] Lewis & Newhall, pp. 139-140
[ix] Batchelder, Charles E., Rev. Stephen Bachiler, The New England Historical and Genealogical Register 1892, Volume XLVI, pp. 157-158, New England Historic Genealogical Society, Boston, 1892; accessed https://archive.org/details/newenglandhistor1892wate/page/322/mode/2up
[x] History, First Church of Christ in Lynn, Congregational; accessed www.firstchurchofchristlynn.com (Accessed January 2021 - content on this website has changed.)
[xi] Lewis & Newhall, p. 114
[xii] Image of Thatched House at Salem, Thatching in the Colonies of British North America, accessed https://thatchinginfo.com, December 2020
[xiii] Lewis & Newhall, p. 132
[xiv] Lewis & Newhall, pp. 131-132
[xv] Lynn Woods, Digital image accessed www.knowol.com/information/massachusetts/vintage-map-lynn-woods-mass/, December 2020
[xvi]
Winthrop, John, Papers of the Winthrop Family, Volume 3, 1631-1637,
Boston, Massachusetts, Massachusetts Historical Society, 1944, pp. 122-124;
accessed https://masshist.org
No comments:
Post a Comment